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Listed below A PI'. Composed in verses of nine syllables, the poem deals with the meeting of two lovers, their colloquy, interchanges, and separation.

Both pieces, discovered within the last seventeen years by M. Morel-Fatio, are the productions of a single mind. Whoever the author may have been — and the internal evidence tends to show that he was a clerk familiar with French, Provengal, Italian, or Portuguese exemplars — he shines by virtue of qualities which are akin to genius.

Here was a poet who recognised that in literature — the least moral of the arts — the end justifies the means ; hence he transformed the material which he borrowed, made it his own possession, and conveyed into Castile a new method adapted to her needs.

But time and language were not yet ripe, and the Spanish lyric flourished solely in Galicia : it was not to be trans- planted at a first attempt.

A few details are known of him. He was certainly a deacon in , and his name occurs in documents between and His copiousness runs to some thirteen thousand lines, including, besides the works already named, the Sacrificio de la Misa Sacrifice of the Mass , the Martirio de San Lorenzo Martyrdom of St.

In most editions of Berceo there is appended to his verses a poem in his praise, attributed to an unknown writer of the fourteenth century. This poem is, in fact, conjectured to be an invention of TomAs Antonio Sdnchez, the earliest editor of Berceo's complete works The chances are that Berceo and his writings had passed out of remembrance within two hundred years of his death, and he was evidently unknown to Santillana in the fifteenth century.

He sings in the vernacular, he declares, being too unlearned in the Latin ; but he has his little pretensions.

Berceo uses the rhythm with success, and if his results are not splendid, it was not because he lacked perseverance. On the contrary, his industry was only too formidable.

Beside Dante's achievement, as Puymaigre notes, the paraphrases of Berceo in the Sacrificio de la Misa stanzas seem thin and pale ; but the comparison is unfair to the earlier Castiljian singer, who died in his obscure hamlet without the advantage of Dante's splendid BERCEO 59 r literary tradition.

Berceo is hampered by his lack of imagination, by the poverty of his conditions, by the absence of models, by the narrow circle of his sub- jects, and by the pious scruples which hindered him from arabesquing the original design.

Yet he pos- sesses the gifts of simplicity and of unction, and amid his long digressions into prosy theological commonplace there are flashes of m ystic insp iration unmatched by any other poet of his country and his time.

Even when his versification, clear but hard, is at its worst, he accomplishes the end which he desires by popular- ising the pious legends which were dear to him.

He was not — never could have been — a great poet. But in his own way he was, if not an inventor, the chief of a school, and the necessary predecessor of such devout authors as Luis de Leon and St.

The rocks where he reposed, in meditation still. The solitary shades through which he roved at will: His presence all that place with sanctity did fill!

Certain it is that Gautier's source, the Soissons manu- script, was known to Alfonso the Learned, who men- tions it in the sixty-first of his Galician songs as " a book full of miracles " : — " En Seixons.

But since Alfonso, a middle-aged man when Berceo died, knew the Soissons collection, it seems possible that Berceo also handled it.

A close examination of his text con- verts the bare possibility into something approaching certainty. Of Berceo's twenty-five Marian legends, eighteen are given by Gautier de Coinci, whose total reaches fifty-five.

This is not by itself final, for both writers might have selected them from a common source. Yet there are convincing proofs of imitation in the coincidences of thought and expression which are apparent in Gautier and Berceo.

These are too nume- rous to be accidental ; and still more weight must be given to the fact that in several cases where Gautier BERCEO 6 1 invents a detail of his own wit, Berceo reproduces it.

Taken in conjunction with his known habit of strict adherence to his text, it follows that Berceo took Gautier for his guide.

He did what all the world was doing in borrowing from the French, and in the Virgin's Lament he has the candour to confess the northern supremacy.

Still, it would be wrong to think that Berceo con- tents himself with mere servile reproduction, or that he trespasses in the manner of a vulgar plagiary.

Seven of his legends he seeks elsewhere than in Gautier, and he takes it upon himself to condense his prede- cessor's diffuse narration.

Thus, where Gautier needs lines to tell the legend of St. Ildefonsus, or to give the miracle of Theophilus, Berceo confines him- self to and to lines.

Gautier will spare you no detail ; he will have you know the why, the when, the how, the paltriest circumstance of his pious story.

Beside him Berceo shines by his power of selection, by his finer instinct for the essential, by his relative sobriety of tone, by his realistic eye, by his variety of resource in pure Castilian expression, by his richer melody, and by the fleeter movement of his action.

In a word, with all his imperfections, Berceo approves him- self the sounder craftsman of. This argues a considerable lyrical gift, and the pity is that the most of Berceo's editors should have been at such pains to hide it from the reader.

Traces of the Leonese dialect negative the ascription to Berceo, and the Juan Lorenzo Segura de Astorga mentioned in the last verses is a mere copyist.

But the value of both these compositions is slight. So much for verse. Castilian prose develops on paral- lel lines with it. A very early specimen is the didactic treatise called the Diez Mandamientos, written by a Navar- rese monk, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, for the use of confessors.

Somewhat later follow the Anales ToledanoSy in two separate parts the third is much more recent , composed between the years and Under- taken at the bidding of St.

This is a Castilian version of a code of so-called Gothic laws, sub- stantially Roman in origin, given by St.

Ferdinand to the Spaniards settled in C6rdoba and other southern cities after the reconquest; but though of ex- treme value to the philologer, its literary interest is too slight to detain us here.

There is good reason for thinking that they are not by the author of that poem ; and, in truth, they are mere transla- tions. Further examples of progressive prose are found in the Libro de los doce SabioSf which deals with the political education of princes, and may have been drawn up by the direction of St.

But the authorship and date of these compilations are little better than conjectural. Mariana, the greatest of Spanish historians, condenses the vulgar yerdicT in a Tacitean phrase : Dum coelum considerat terra amissit A mountain of libellous myth has overlaid Alfonso's fame.

He would have made it differently. Political disaster never caused his intellectual activity to slacken. Like Bacon, he took all knowledge for his province, and in every department he shone pre-eminent.

Astronomy, music, philosophy, canon and civil law, history, poetry, the study of lan- guages : he forced his people upon these untrodden roads.

Both the Tobias Alfonsis and the colossal Libros del Saber cU Astronontia Books on the Science of Astronomy are packed with minute corrections of Ptolemy, in whose system the learned King seems to have suspected an error ; but their present interest lies in the historic fact, that with their compilation Castilian makes its first great stride in the direction of exactitude and clearness.

This miraculous activity astounded contemporaries, and posterity has multiplied the wonder by attributing well-nigh every possible anonymous work to the man whose real activity is a marvel.

It has been ' So called because it embraced the seren subjects of learning : the trwio grammar, logic, and rhetoric , and the quadrivio music, astrology, physics, and metaphysics.

Not one of these can be brought home to him, and some belong to a later time. Great authorities accept as authen- tic the Libro de Querellas Book of Plaints , which is represented by two fine stanzas addressed to Diego Sarmiento, "brother and friend and vassal leal" of "him whose foot was kissed by kings, him from whom queens sought alms and grace," One is sorry to lose them, but they must be rejected.

This to some extent clears the ground : but not altogether. Setting aside minor legal and philosophic treatises which Alfonso may have supervised, it remains to speak of more important matters.

A great achieve- ment is the code called, from the number of its divisions, the Stete Partidas Seven Parts. This name does not appear to have been attached to the code till a hundred years after its compilation ; but it may be worth ob- serving that the notion is implied in the name of the Septenarioy and that Alfonso, regarding the number seven as something of mysterious potency, exhausts himself in citing precedents — the seven days of the week, seven metals, seven arts, seven years that Jacob sei-ved, seven lean years in Egypt, the seven-branched candlestick, seven sacraments, and so on.

The trait is characteristic of the time. It would be a grave mis- take to suppose that the Siete Partidas in any way resembles a modern book of statutes, couched in the technical jargon of the law.

In history, too, Alfonso sought distinction ; and he found it. The latter, ranging from the Creation to Apo- stolic times, glances at such secular events as the Babylonian Empire and the fall of Troy ; the former extends from the peopling of Europe by the sons of Japhet to the death of St.

Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada and Lucas de Tuy are the direct authorities, and their testimonies are completed by elaborate refer- ences that stretch from Pliny to the cantares de gesta.

Elsewhere a strange ignorance of Arabs and their history is shown by the compiler's inclusion of such fables as Muhammad's crusade in C6rdoba.

The inevitable conclusion is that the Esto- riasy like the Siete ParttdaSy are compilations by several hands ; and the idea is supported by the fact that the prologue to the Estoria de Espanna is scarcely more than a translation of Jimenez de Rada's preface.

Late traditions give the names of Alfonso's colla- borators in one or the other History as Egidio de Zamora, J of re de Loaysa, Martfn de C6rdoba, Suero Perez, Bishop of Zamora, and Garci Ferndndez de Toledo ; and even though these attributions be as seems likely a trifle fantastical, they at least indicate a long-standing disbelief in the unity of authorship.

It is proved that Alfonso gathered from C6rdoba, Seville, Toledo, and Paris somejfiftyjeacperts to translate Ptolemy's i Quadri partitum and other astronomic treatises; it is natural that he should organise a similar coiumittee to put together the lirstms!

Better than most of his contemporaries, he knew the value of combination. As with astronomy so with his- tory : in both cases he conceived the scheme, in both cases he presided at the redaction and stamped the crude stuff with his distinctive seal.

Judged by a modern standard, both Estorias lend themselves to a cheap ridicule ; compared with their predecessors, they imply a finer appreciation of the value of testimony, and this notable evolution of the critical sense is matched by a manner that rises to the theme.

At the outset a natural question suggests itself : " Why should the King of Castile, after drawing up his code in Castilian, write his verses in Galician?

Troubadours in full flight from the. How- beit, the Provencal spell mastered him, and drove him to reproduce its elaborate rhythms.

Alfonso xlii. He was not — it cannot be claimed for him — a poet of supreme excellence ; yet, if he fail to reach the topmost peaks, he vindicates his choice of a medium by outstripping his predecessors, I and by pointing the path to those who succeed himA Wittt.

I Still an artist, even when he stumbles into the ditch, his metrical dexterity persists in such brutally erotic and satiric verse as he contributes to the Vatican Cancioneiro Nos.

Withal, he survives by some- thing better than mere virtuosity ; for his simplicity and sincere enthusiasm, sundered from the prevalent affecta- tion of his contemporaries, ensure him a place apart.

His example in so many fields of intellectual exercise was followed. What part he took if any in preparing Kalilak and Dimnah is not settled.

The Spanish ver- sion, probably made before Alfonso's accession to the throne, derives straight from the Arabic, which, in its turn, is rendered by Abd Allah ibn al-Mukaffa from Barzoyeh's lofet PehlevI QldJersian - translations of the original Sanskrit.

This last has disappeared, though its fluUsUlite survives m the remodelled Panchatantray and. The period of the Spanish render- ing is hard to determine exactly, but 1 is the generally accepted date, and its vogue is proved by the use made of it by Raimond de B6ziers in his Latin version The value of the Spanish lies in the excellence of the narrative manner, and in its reduction of the oriental apologue to terras of the ver- nacular.

Translation is continued at the court of Alfonso's son and successor, Sanchq-IV, d. But that it was used by the Spanish trans- lator has been amply demonstrated by M.

Gaston Paris. In dealing with these works it is impossible to speak precisely as to source and date : the probability is that they.

This production, disfigured by the ostentatious erudition of the Middle Ages, is saved from death by its shrewd common-sense, by its practical counsel, and by tl je-.

Ilde- phonsus , a dry narrative of over a thousand lines, pro- bably written soon after , when the saint's feast was instituted by the Council of Peftafiel.

Its author declares that he once held the prebend of tTbeda, and that he had previously rhymed the history of the Mag- dalen. No other information concerning him exists ; nor is it eagerly sought, for the Prebendary's poem is a colourless imitation of Berceo, without Berceo's visitings of inspiration.

More merit is shown in the Proverbios en Rimo de SalomSn Solomon's Rhymed Proverbs , moralisings on the vanity of life, written, with many variations, in the manner of Berceo.

The author of these didactic, satiric verses is announced in the oldest manuscript copy as one Pero G6mez, son of Juan Fer- nandez. The language is correct Castilian of the time, and the metre, sustained for stanzas, is the right Bercean : the peculiarity lies in the use of Arabic characters in the phonetic transcription.

A considerable mass of such compositions has been discovered and in the discovery England has taken part ; but of them all the Historia de Yusuf is at once the best and earliest.

It deals with the story of Joseph in Egypt, not accord- ing to the Old Testament narrative, but in general con- formity with the version found in the eleventh sura of the Ku'ran, though the writer does not hesitate to intro- duce variants and amplifications of his own invention, as stanza 31 when the wolf speaks to the patriarch whose son it is supposed to have slain.

The persecution of Joseph by Potiphar's wife, who figures as Zulija Zulei- kah , is told with considerable spirit, and the mastery of the cuadema via the Bercean metre of four fourteen- syllabled lines rhymed together is little short of amazing in a foreigner.

There could scarcely be more striking evidence of the irresistible progress of Castilian modes of thought and expression. The Arabic influence, if it ever existed, was Iready dead.

A line in his Libro de Cantares stanza inclines us to believe that, like Cervantes, he was a native of Alcald de Henares ; but Guadalajara also claims him for her own, and a certain Francisco de Torres reports him as living there so late as 5.

This date is incompatible with other ascertained facts in Ruiz' career. We learn from a note at the end of his poems that " this is the book of the Archpriest of Hita, which he wrote, being im- prisoned by order of the Cardinal Don G il, Archbishop of Toledo.

He stifies against himself with a splendid candour ; and et there have been critics who insisted on idealising I jthis libidinous clerk into a smug Boanerges.

The Archpriest was a fellow of parts and of infinite fancy. He does, indeed, allege that he supplies, "in- centives to good conduct, injunctions towards salvation, to be understanded of the people and to enable folk to guard against the trickeries which some practise in pursuit of foolish loves.

John, Job, Cato, St. To dis- tinguish the works of the clerkly masters, to declare with certainty that this Castilian piece was written by Alfonso and that by Sancho, is a difficult and hazardous matter.

Nay, he does more. His famous descrip- tion of the tent of love is manifestly suggested by the description of Alexander's tent in the Libra de Alexandre.

The entire episode of Dofia Endrina is paraphrased from the Liber de Amorey attributed to the Pseudo-Ovid, the Auvergnat monk who hides beneath the name of Pamphilus Maurilianus.

Vastas his reading was, it had availed him notMng without his stiperb temperament, Eiis gift of using it to effect. Vaster still was his knowledge of men, his acquaintance with the seamy side of life, his interest in things common and rare, his observation of manners, and his lyrical endow- ment.

His ambi- tion is, not to idealise, but to realise existence, and he interprets its sensuous animalism in the spirit of pica- resque enjoyment.

Jewesses, Moorish dancers, the procuress Trota-conventoSy her finicking customers, the loose nuns, great ladies, and brawny daughters of the plough, — Ruiz renders them with the merciless exactitude of Velizquez.

The arrangement of Ruiz' verse, disorderly as his life, foreshadows the loose construction of the picaresque novel, of which his own work may be considered the first example.

One of his greatest discoveries is t he rare value le autobio graphic form. Poet, novelist, expert in observa- tion, irony, and travesty, Ruiz had, moreover, the sense of style in such measure as none before him and few after him, and to this innate faculty of selection he joined a great capacity for dramatic creation.

Hence the im- possibility of exhibiting him in elegant extracts, and hence the permanence of his types. The most familiar figure of Lazarillo de Tormes — the starving gentleman — is a lineal descendant of Ruiz' Don Fur6n, who is scru- pulous in observing facts so long as there is nothing to eat ; and Ruiz' two lovers, Mel6n de la Uerta and Endrina de Calatayud, are transferred as Calisto and Melibea to Rojas' tragi-comedy, whence they pass into immortality as Romeo and Juliet.

Lastly, Ruiz' repute might be staked upon his fables, which, by their ironic apprecia- tion, their playful wit and humour, seem to proceed from an earlier, ruder, more virile La Fontaine.

Ferdinand and nephew of Alfonso J he Learned. Mariana's denunciation of '' him who seemed born solely to wreck the state" fits Juan Manuel so exactly that it is commonly applied to him ; but, in truth, its author in- tended it for another Don Juan without the ''Manuel" , uncle of the boy-king, Alfonso XI.

Upon the regency followed a spell of wars, broils, rebellions, assassinations, wherein King and ex-Regent were pitted against each other. In the General Introduction to his works he foresees, so he announces, that his books must be often copied, and he knows that this means error: — ''as I have seen happen in other copies, either because of the transcriber's dulness, or because the letters are much alike.

And he closes his General Introduction with this prayer : — " And I beg all those who may read any of the books I made not to blame me for whatever ill-written thing they find, until they see it in this volume which I myself have arranged.

The loss of the Book of Verses is a real calamity ; all the more that it existed at Peftafiel as recently as the time of Argote de Molina , who meant to publish it.

A treatise like his Libro de Caza Book of Hawking , recently recovered by Professor Baist, needs but to be mentioned to indicate its aim.

His histories are mere epitomes of Alfonso's chronicle. The Libro dei. Caballero et del Escudero Book of the Knight and Squire , in fifty-one chapters, of which some thirteen are missing, is a didacticism,?

A hermit who has abandoned war instructs an ambitious squire in the virtues of chivalry, and sends him to court, whence he returns "with much wealth and honour.

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